Friday, 21 August 2026

Netanyahu Rejects International Force, Rebuilding Gaza

 

by Kyle Anzalone | August 20, 2026 at 6:49 pm ET

The Israeli Prime Minister’s office said that Tel Aviv does not support an international force entering Gaza or rebuilding the Strip until Hamas disarms. 

“Contrary to media reports, the political echelon has not approved the entry of the international force to the Gaza Strip,” the statement reads. “Israel has made it clear that there will not be any reconstruction in the Strip before Hamas is fully disarmed.”

Earlier this week, military officers from Burundi and Uganda toured sites in Gaza with the IDF. Some reports said the foreign officers were a part of the initial formation of an international stabilization force (ISF) in Gaza. 

The ISF is part of the Board of Peace agreement that was brokered by President Donald Trump in October. Earlier this month, Trump announced that the deal had progressed and Hamas was prepared to disarm in exchange for an Israeli withdrawal from Gaza. 

“Today, the Board of Peace reached a HISTORIC agreement for the COMPLETE DISARMAMENT of Hamas and all other armed groups in Gaza,” the President wrote on Truth Social. “This agreement is a critical step towards Gaza finally being governed by a new Palestinian government that will work closely with the Board of Peace to help the Palestinian people.”

Netanyahu and other top Israeli leaders have repeatedly stated that the IDF will not withdraw from Gaza, and any rebuilding in the Strip will only begin after the Palestinians are disarmed. Hamas has pressed Washington to force Tel Aviv to comply with the deal. 

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu explicitly rejected the proposal to disarm Hamas.

“Israel does not accept the 15-point document,” Netanyahu told members of the Israeli cabinet earlier this month. The military “will not carry out any withdrawal until Hamas is disarmed … it means heavy weaponry, lighter weaponry, all weaponry.”

He continued, “And we are talking about genuine disarmament, not fictitious disarmament. [The US] have ideas, some of which are acceptable to ​us and some of which are unacceptable to us.”

https://news.antiwar.com/2026/08/20/netanyahu-rejects-international-force-rebuilding-gaza/

The Crocodilian Logic of Zionism


Image by Tahir osman.

Since 7 October, 2023, the Israeli government has experienced a sense of relief. It believed it no longer needed to pretend to care about Palestinians as human beings and could pursue their annihilation and dispossession openly. These have depended on two factors: international impunity, guaranteed by US imperial backing and subservient Western governments, and internal Israeli genocidal enthusiasm cultivated over decades and extending across society.

Support for dispossession depends on the ruling class’s cultivation of segregation between in-and-out groups, fearmongering and propaganda, alongside rewards for aggression, including material gains such as land and other resources, elevated social status and impunity for aggression against the constructed out-group. This manipulation of fear and reward conditions societies to accept genocide as normal, even righteous, because they have been neurologically wired to steal.

The latest example of this dynamic came when Israeli National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir proposed surrounding Ketziot prison with a moat of Nile crocodiles (Crocodylus niloticus) to guard Palestinian prisoners.

Who knows, maybe the crocs will be enticed by a benefits package similar to that of newly arrived settlers. After all, both are being recruited to help secure the Zionist frontier.

An appeal to the reptilian brain

Nile crocodiles possess extremely powerful jaws, are opportunistic carnivores, can grow up to 6.1 meters (20 feet) in length, and weigh over 450 kilograms (1,000 pounds). They typically ambush prey near waterholes before executing a “death roll” to subdue large animals (including people). Due to the crocodiles’ inability to chew their food, the roll serves as the primary mechanical tool to break bones, tear flesh and rip the hapless victim into manageable, bite-sized pieces for swallowing.

Ben Gvir’s proposal, which mimics Donald Trump’s failed Alligator Alcatraz, is tragically far from satire. In fact, the National Security Ministry has budgeted around $7 million for the construction of the moats, which are underway. This includes long-term plans for the reptiles’ maintenance and care.

For now, however, the plan has been placed on hold; not out of concern for Palestinians who may be subjected to these barbarically punitive measures, including a death roll, but because of concerns for the animals’ welfare.

The crocodile proposal offers a revealing window into how systems of domination and dehumanisation condition societies, particularly those lower on the in-group hierarchy, to derive rewards from cruelty in service of ruling-class theft.

Similar to many Israeli policies since 7 October, it functions as political theatre designed to reward the most primitive impulses associated with the brain’s emotional/ limbic system and related pathways (what is colloquially called “the reptilian brain”) of domination, fear, humiliation, revenge and schadenfreude (pleasure derived from another’s misery).

While Zionist ruling classes indulge in land and resource theft in Gaza, Lebanon and Syria, Ben Gvir appeals to those for whom humiliating and abusing people perceived as inferior provides a psychological boost, reinforcing a sense of superiority.

Conscription of crocodiles also provides a political spectacle aimed at harvesting votes, a dopamine delivery system for an Israeli public conditioned to celebrate cruelty as virtue. Within this genocidal milieu, Ben Gvir reigns supreme, ascending the Israeli political hierarchy with the prime minister’s office firmly in his sights.

As Richard H. Smith details in The Joy of Pain: Schadenfreude and the Dark Side of Human Nature, a recurring theme among perpetrators is that many were themselves mistreated in the past and sought opportunities for payback. In Israeli society, however, this extends across society, with people encouraged to embody a victim mentality reinforced by the conflation of Zionism and Judaism, drawing on the historical experiences of world Jewry, from the Holocaust to the decontextualisation of Palestinian resistance to Zionist oppression and colonisation.

Indeed, schadenfreude serves as a cheap reward for aggression in service of ruling-class theft of land and other resources, as reflected by the shameless and gleeful sadism demonstrated by Israeli soldiers, particularly since 7 October, for which imperial and domestic impunity promise a lack of accountability and therefore permission and even encouragement to engage in it.

Photos of bound and blinded Palestinian civilians alongside grinning Israeli soldiers have even been used as social currency, including on dating apps.

Dehumanisation and recovery

Frantz Fanon, the Martinican psychiatrist, author and revolutionary thinker, analysed how colonialism dehumanises both the oppressed and the oppressor, with the dehumanisation of the latter expressed through the humiliation and abuse inflicted upon the former.

Engagement in the destruction of Indigenous society epitomises the dehumanisation of the oppressor, which destroys the physical humanity of the oppressed while eroding its own humanity through the forsaking of what makes it human: the capacity for empathy across racial, gender and other constructed divides.

The crocodile episode reflects the extent to which Israeli Zionist society has forsaken its humanity in service of theft, and how its ruling class suppresses empathy while appealing to primitive “reptilian” neural processes of fear and reward to service its greed.

For nearly three years, the Zionist rampage has relentlessly destroyed any semblance of empathy toward the Palestinian people, replacing it with escalated dehumanisation, disgust at their culture, history and existence, and glee at their suffering. What remains is an endless descent into moral depravity and cruelty, where racism, colonial theft and capitalist individualism are celebrated as the very foundation of an identity, and escape from this construct is actively discouraged through threats of severe social and physical punishment.

This is precisely what systems of domination depend upon: convincing people that what has been conditioned is “natural” and therefore cannot be undone, or else. Yet what has been conditioned can be unlearned, and what has been wired for domination can be rewired toward empathy, solidarity and co-resistance by restructuring the social hierarchies that sustain domination.

This is the central argument of my forthcoming book with historian Ilan Pappé, Wired to Steal: Zionism and the Shaping of the Western Mind: an examination of the behavioural and neurological mechanisms through which systems of domination, including Zionism, condition people to participate in, and even derive reward from, the dispossession of others, while showing how that conditioning can be undone.

This piece first appeared in The New Arab.

Yoav Litvin is a Doctor of Psychology/ Behavioral Neuroscience and author of Wired to Steal: Zionism and the Shaping of the Western Mind with Ilan Pappé (Interlink Books, Fall 2026). For more info, please visit yoavlitvin.com     

https://www.counterpunch.org/2026/08/14/the-crocodilian-logic-of-zionism/

Another Blow Against Pax Americana

 


1906 political cartoon depicting Theodore Roosevelt using the Monroe Doctrine to keep European powers out of the Dominican Republic – Public Domain

Remember that photo from Donald Trump’s first overseas trip as president back in 2017?

The new president was in Riyadh. Instead of going to Europe or Japan or Canada, Trump was making his first presidential trip to Saudi Arabia. And there he was, at the opening of a new World Center for Countering Extremist Thought, flashing his trademark smirk as he put his hands on a glowing orb that represented the globe. Next to him, their hands also on the magic ball, were the Saudi king and Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

The three leaders looked like they were in a film, playing an evil trio plotting to take over the world. Twitter lit up with comparisons to the three witches from Macbeth. It was a terrifying irony that Trump and company were inaugurating a center for “countering extremist thought” since they all three, in their own way, represented the promotion of extremist thought.

This appearance in Saudi Arabia was effectively Trump’s announcement that the liberal international order was over. The new president didn’t want to associate with European liberals or Japanese democrats or Canadian moderates. He preferred the company of a military strongman from Egypt and a religious autocrat from Saudi Arabia. Their hands on the globe symbolized their desire to spin the world in a different direction.

A decade later, Trump can still be judged by the company he keeps. He’s buddies with war criminals like Russian leader Vladimir Putin and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. He’s tight with autocrats like Turkey’s Recep Tayyip Erdogan, El Salvador’s Nayib Bukele, and Saudi prince Mohammed bin Salman.

But, increasingly, even the autocrats are leery of Trump. Sure, no one wants to piss off Trump since, after all, he controls both nukes and tariffs. But the U.S. president is unpredictable and, frankly, erratic. Richard Nixon pretended, more or less, to be a madman in the 1970s so that the North Vietnamese would not be able to predict his next move in the war. Trump is probably not pretending. Other leaders are playing it safe by quietly treating him like a lunatic.

In 2017, the autocrats couldn’t wait to visit Trump at Mar-a-Lago and then return the favor by inviting him to join their clubs, like the absurdly titled World Center for Countering Extremist Thought. But now, a decade later, some authoritarian countries like India and Russia haven’t even joined Trump’s Board of Peace.

More concerning, at least from the point of view of an American exceptionalist, are the clubs that have been set up to exclude the United States. And that’s where the new Mecca Defense Pact comes in.

It’s Our Party

Last week, Turkey, Pakistan, and Saudi Arabia signed a mutual security pact in which they pledged to come to each other’s defense in the event of an attack. The new alliance is built on a bilateral agreement signed last year between Islamabad and Riyadh.

Two things are significant about this announcement. The first is that three U.S. military allies have decided that they shouldn’t rely overmuch on Washington for their security. Instead, they will increasingly rely on each other.

Second, this new pact won’t stop at three. The next member will likely be Egypt, which already consults with the other three countries in an arrangement called R4. Also likely to join at a certain point will be Gulf countries like Qatar and Kuwait.

This “Mecca Defense Pact” amounts to a strategic convergence of Sunni-majority countries. It also brings together three largely authoritarian countries, with Turkey subject to the whims of its leader, Pakistan dominated by its military, and Saudi Arabia functioning as a religious monarchy.

The current tripartite alliance is not targeting any particular adversary. But it’s not difficult to guess who they’re thinking about: the three Is of India, Israel, and Iran. These adversaries are a mixed bunch—one majority Hindu, another majority Jewish, a third majority Shia—with no likelihood of responding with their own military pact. They don’t constitute a unified threat even if you add the Houthis of Yemen to the mix. And none of these potential adversaries has identified the new pact as adversarial. It’s tempting, then, to dismiss the Mecca pact as just a Sunni friendship alliance, more declarative than substantive.

But if that were the case, the three countries wouldn’t be so eager to include an Article 5-like provision in their pact and, in so doing, challenge certain geopolitical realities. Turkey is a member of NATO, so now it will be committing to fight in wars on several continents? Pakistan is currently trying to mediate in the war involving the United States, Israel, and Iran, so will it now commit to intervene against Tehran the next time Iranian missiles fall on Saudi Arabia? Meanwhile, Saudi Arabia has strong economic and military relations with India, so is it now willing to cede all of that to Israel?

All of these complications point to one conclusion. The three countries are willing to make some sacrifices to align against their adversaries, but the real aim is to protect themselves from their ally, the United States. Ever since his first term, Donald Trump has threatened not to uphold U.S. security commitments if countries don’t spend more on their own militaries (NATO), if countries don’t spend more on their alliance commitments (Japan, South Korea), or if countries look at the U.S. president the wrong way (Canada and much of the rest of the world).

Instead of just complaining about U.S. fickleness, the leadership of Turkey, Pakistan, and Saudi Arabia have decided to do something about it.

Trump’s Version of Globalism

For a guy who has trashed internationalists and globalists, Trump seems to be spending a lot of foreign policy energy on creating new multilateral security arrangements. His Board of Peace, with its 27 members willing to pay the $1 billion entrance fee, is a rather anemic version of the United Nations, but it’s also clear evidence that Trump doesn’t want to go it alone. He wants other countries to follow behind him like ducklings in a row.

Then there are the purpose-built associations. Trump has created a Pax Silica to secure mineral access in friendly countries. This grouping only has 24 members, but they’re powerhouses, including the European Union, Japan, South Korea, Australia, and India. The U.S. president continues to push forward with his Abrahamic Accords to integrate and elevate Israel in the Middle East. The Quad—India, Australia, Japan, and the United States—is designed to contain the ambitions of China in the Indo-Pacific region.

At the same time, Trump has pushed back against other multilateral efforts. He has pulled the United States out of a plethora of UN institutions, including UNESCO and the World Health Organization. He has threatened the BRICS with economic devastation if they have the temerity to issue a currency to compete with the dollar. He pulled the U.S. delegation out of the last G20 meeting in South Africa and ignored the last Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation meeting in South Korea.

The message is clear: it’s my multilateralism or no multilateralism.

So far, the Trump administration seems to view the Mecca Defense Pact as a friendly grouping that can implement the burden-sharing that the president has pressed on U.S. allies. It’s the same kind of tacit approval that the administration has shown the greater coordination between Japan and South Korea or the moves to expand the European Defense Fund.

As with so many things, the Trump administration is failing to read the room. U.S. allies are not openly defying the Trump administration, but they are also not following orders. The actions of these allies, from Europe to Asia to the Middle East, are more akin to family members telling a violent, dangerous, and unhinged father that they’re taking him to a lovely vacation spot when they’re really shipping him off to a lunatic asylum. Papa, still powerful in his dotage, needs his ego stroked and his suspicions allayed before he can be nudged off the stage.

In the global version of Succession that is currently taking place, everyone is making contingency plans. The Mecca pact is just the latest indication that the liberal international order is dying, Pax Americana is on its last legs, and the rough outlines of what comes next is just becoming visible.

John Feffer is the director of Foreign Policy In Focus, where this article originally appeared.                 

 https://www.counterpunch.org/2026/08/14/another-blow-against-pax-americana/

Why Trump’s Blockade Cannot Turn Iran Into an Island

August 19, 2026

The U.S. may blockade Iran on the seas. But it cannot blockade Iran’s geography

Iran so far has been running the clock.

Now, Iran is speeding up the management of the clock.

Even strategic patience has its limits. Tehran kept a nutcracker on the Strait of Hormuz for 5.5 months. The Empire of Piracy didn’t back off. On the contrary: the reaction, piling up on Trump’s blockade, focused on ruthless, terminal market manipulation keeping oil prices relatively low – using everything from depletion of the Strategic Petroleum Reserves (SPR) to DARPA employing AI tools to manipulate markets.

Terrible costs are about to be paid in full – via a global depression; further rejection of Western “values” – and swindling schemes – all across the Global South; and an inevitable cleavage between two world systems.

Iran cannot continue on the path of a slow Strait of Hormuz strangulation – as it runs the risk of reversing gains as time goes by. Iran is bound to weaken along with everybody else in a Global Great Depression. That’s definitely not a long term solution for a proud, sovereign, resilient civilization-state with millennial determination when it comes to dignified self-sufficiency.

The leadership in Tehran has perfectly understood that the Empire’s new – actually – back to old – beat is to financially and economically smother Persia, as it was done, for instance, to Syria.

It gets worse. Much worse: the current normalization of unleashing tactical nukes in “discussions” at the Empire’s tables. If genocide has been normalized – by the whole, collective, fragmented West – why not nuclear bombing (but only by the Empire)?

Tehran is very much aware that a long dark cloud may be coming down. So the time is right for cranking the speed on the clock. Mohsen Rezaee – new secretary of the Supreme National Security Council (SNSC) and personal representative of Leader Mojtaba Khamenei – is setting the tone. There’s no other way than to go all out to force the Hegemonic Old Order to bow down.

Coercive, but not decisive

Trump’s naval blockade may be wreaking some havoc on Iran; but by itself it cannot alter a substantial part of the architecture that keeps Iran connected to Eurasia.

The blockade did damage Iran’s seaborne crude trade. Traffic in the Strait of Hormuz has collapsed. Depending on the tracking source, Iran’s crude exports have fallen from approximately 1.8–2.0 million barrels a day before the blockade to below 300,000 barrels a day.

That’s a major coercive pressure. Yet Iran is far from geographically isolated. Rail connections across Central Asia; commercial traffic across the Pakistan land borders (at least 6 channels); the Caspian route to Russia; the International North–South Transportation Corridor (INSTC): all that remains in effect – and in the case of the INSTC actually expanding, even though the infrastructure remains incomplete.

Some Iranian crude continues to escape through ship-to-ship transfers, particularly off Malaysia. Cargo leaving Iranian waters is transferred offshore to obscure its origin before moving onward, principally toward Asian buyers.

During the June–July truce, roughly twenty tankers moved approximately USD6 billion in crude this way. Of course that’s not a substitute for Iran’s pre-war export system – as the process relies on a finite shadow fleet operating under tremendous sanctions pressure.

Yet the key point is that the American blockade leaks.

So the blockade may be coercive but it’s not decisive – no matter the torrents of spin by Trump cronies/assorted grifters.

Moving to direct U.S.-Iran talks, they are mired in a wild ocean of contradictions.

The IRGC and the Foreign Ministry have publicly – and explicitly – denied any active direct American channel in effect. The IRGC mocked the American claim as psychological warfare – even as Trump publicly spun an established, direct backchannel to the IRGC.

Well, a backchannel in fact exists: that’s the May 2026 channel through Kurdistan President Nechirvan Barzani to senior IRGC leadership. It went dormant. It may have even been kept, informally, on unresolved status mode – while Tehran denies it.

“Diplomacy” is not exactly familiar as Big Macs to Trump; threats are. Cue to the now public threat to bomb Oman by name on two separate occasions.

Oman is far from a peripheral actor. Muscat is simultaneously: one of the GCC’s most durable intermediaries; deeply involved in the Iran diplomatic channel; and co-negotiating the emerging Hormuz transit mechanism.

So the threat – twice – of bombing Oman means POTUS going directly against the very mini-state helping to build a possible off-ramp for the Empire.

No wonder there was no official Omani government statement responding to the threats. No statement from the Sultan.

No statement from the Foreign Ministry.

Muscat’s silence though should not be misread. Silence is not acquiescence. Silence is not defiance. Silence may be part of a wily diplomatic strategy: something to remain usable to both sides.

No way to blockade Iran’s geography

The port of Gwadar in the Arabian Sea – a key plank of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) – has become strategically paramount as a land-transit gateway to Iran.

That’s how it works. Cargo arrives at Gwadar; is consolidated; moves overland approximately 89 km to the Gabd crossing; then enters Iran by road. The process is much shorter than moving the same cargo through Karachi – reducing time and cost.

Still, we have no evidence that Iranian-flagged ships are routinely calling at Gwadar or that Iranian maritime cargo is being loaded and discharged in what amounts to an Iranian shipping route.

Then there’s the Caspian: the crucially strategic route immune to the U.S. Navy.

As I saw it last year while filming a documentary on the INSTC,

Iranian Caspian ports such as Bandar Anzali connect mostly to Russia, especially Astrakhan.

Since the blockade, Iranian Caspian ports have increased their operating tempo; Bandar Anzali is approaching full capacity, moving grain; agricultural products; industrial goods; components; and above all strategic trade between BRICS members Iran and Russia.

There’s nothing the U.S. Navy can do on the Caspian, as the 2018 Convention on the Legal Status of the Caspian Sea excludes extra-regional naval powers.

Along the 7,200-km long INSTC connecting Russia, Iran and India, Russia-Iran cargo has been growing very fast – although there are infrastructure problems, such as the missing Rasht–Astara rail connection inside Iran.

And the fact that the INSTC maritime route from Chabahar in Sistan-Balochistan to India for the moment is not functioning as a meaningful wartime relief channel.

Iran is actually at the heart of two connectivity architectures: the China–Central Asia–Iran railway, part of BRI/New Silk Roads; and the Iran–Russia Caspian route, part of the INSTC. These are in fact two intersecting corridors: one East-West, the other North-South.

Then there’s the Trans-Caspian, or Middle Corridor – which does not run through Iran: that’s China-Kazakhstan-Caspian – Azerbaijan-Georgia-Türkiye-Europe. The Middle Corridor actually bypasses Iran.

So what all of the above can tell us about Trump’s blockade?

In a nutshell: the U.S. may blockade Iran on the seas. But it cannot blockade Iran’s geography.

After all Iran is at the heart of a cross-Eurasia network, including Pakistan, the Central Asian “stans”, Russia, the Caspian Sea, and China.

What the current “no peace, no war” stalemate is doing is exponentially increase the network’s strategic value. The network prevents maritime coercion from becoming complete physical isolation. Forget about the U.S. profiting from a strategic closure.

If anything, Iran going on the offense might in fact provoke another type of strategic closure. Iran retains a multi-layered anti-access architecture including long-range anti-ship missiles; naval mining capability; and submarines designed for operations in shallow and constrained waters.

And then, geography compounds the problem. Large American naval forces operating relatively close to a super-hostile coastline will have to face very short warning distances and much reduced dispersal space.

The American blockade has indeed devastated the largest single channel through which Iran earned hard currency – or petroyuans. But it has not – and geographically cannot – reduce Iran to an island, as Iran continues to connect east, north and southeast through land, rail and inland-sea networks.

Every single day that architecture, operating under pressure, increases the incentive for Iran, Russia, China, Pakistan and the Central Asian “stans” to deepen it.

And to deepen Eurasia integration – the most crucial geopolitical development of the 21st century.

(Republished from Strategic Culture Foundation by permission of author or representative)

https://www.unz.com/pescobar/why-trumps-blockade-cannot-turn-iran-into-an-island/