Wednesday, 8 July 2026

The U.S. lost a lot more than that disastrous game last night.

 https://x.com/jperkinsauthor/status/2074680309325746406

John Perkins
The U.S. lost a lot more than that disastrous game last night. I call Trump the first "Economic Hit Man" president. The FIFA debacle is that same pattern in miniature:

https://x.com/jperkinsauthor/status/2074680309325746406

Gaza genocide: How many UN findings will the West ignore?

Successive United Nations investigations have documented Israel's genocide, yet western regimes still refuse to name it or deliver the accountability their own institutions demand 


Once again, the United Nations reminds us that genocide is taking place in the Gaza Strip.

A report issued on 23 June 2026 by the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Occupied Palestinian Territory documented what Israel has committed against the Palestinian people, especially children.

This followed an earlier report from the same commission on 16 September 2025, which found that genocide was taking place, as well as the report of the UN special rapporteur issued on 20 October 2025.

But what can meticulously documented international reports do in the face of those who have insisted on averting their eyes from declared Israeli intentions to commit genocide, ethnic cleansing, comprehensive destruction and horrific starvation - not to mention the torrent of live images transmitted around the clock to mobile devices from the field of atrocities over the course of two full years?

Specialised UN reports, testimonies by international rapporteurs and experts, assessments by the most prominent global human rights organisations, and even Israeli testimonies have followed one another, all confirming the reality of the genocide committed by Israel under the eyes of the world since October 2023.

In contrast, most European and western states have clung to a rigid position that ignores this glaring truth, despite genocidal intentions being openly expressed in advance by senior Israeli leaders, who continued to boast of what their army and authorities were doing on the ground.

Official western comments on those reports were often absent, unlike what would have happened in other cases

Official western comments on those published reports were often absent, unlike what would have happened in other cases.

Is it not worthy of condemnation that senior European and western officials have persistently avoided using the term "genocide" in relation to these systematic and horrific Israeli practices?

It is as though the word were a firmly established taboo in European and western political, media and cultural discourse whenever Israel is concerned.

This taboo exerts its power over those officials and commentators who, in this way, give reason to suspect that acknowledging genocide depends on the identity of the perpetrator and the status of the victims.

Double standards

It is entirely understandable that the allies of a regime of occupation and genocide, or those who consider themselves Israel's partners and friends, would avoid issuing a clear condemnation of conduct they themselves helped support and encourage, directly or indirectly, even if only through silence and denial of its atrocities.

Throughout this prolonged season of horrors, the Israeli side has enjoyed military and political backing, as well as propagandistic cover, through carefully crafted formulas uttered by senior European and western officials.

These amounted to evasive justifications for whatever war crimes and grave violations an occupying authority and its military forces might commit against a population left utterly exposed to continuous bombardment.

Those who still deny the Gaza genocide are complicit in Israel's atrocities 
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This may be inferred from the phrase that has become a staple of western speeches: "Israel has every right to defend itself" - words that Israeli leaders understand simply as advance legitimation for a policy of mass killing and comprehensive destruction on the ground.

Naturally, no mention is made in this context of any right of the Palestinian people to defend themselves, for example, or of their right under international humanitarian law to resist the military occupation entrenched on their land.

States, governments and political leaderships - joined by elites in the fields of thought, culture and media - insist on ignoring the reality of genocide against the Palestinian people, or conceal it through a tendency toward genocide denial, as though all the serious international efforts of documentation and investigation had no value for them.

Denying a genocide that has unfolded before everyone's ears and eyes simply means minimising its confirmed atrocities. It also entails direct or indirect encouragement of this pattern of horrific violations, so long as they are met with such shocking laxity.

Moreover, clinging to outright denial encourages the perpetrators to resume committing appalling war crimes, so long as these crimes are not named as such. Which western leaders - apart from a handful, such as Spain - have described what the Israeli leadership and its army have committed as "genocide" or "war crimes"?

It must be recalled that the centres of western decision-making, including the European Union and its leading bodies crowned with slogans of noble values and human rights, became implicated in a sweeping display of bias when they chose very mild or evasive terms to describe Israeli war crimes that the entire world followed in images, sound and live broadcasts.

Leaders and spokespersons resorted to cold expressions such as the ploy of "expressing concern" and voicing "sorrow" over the victims, often without naming the perpetrator, because the perpetrator was the Israeli leadership and its army, whose brutal policies and measures were visible to all.

Observers around the world have noted how the charge of "double standards" clings to European and western political discourse.


Follow Middle East Eye's live coverage of Israel's genocide in Gaza


This is precisely what the former vice-president of the European Commission, Josep Borrell, warned his EU colleagues against - in full view of a world that notices the grave moral gap between European positions on Ukraine and Palestine. He issued that warning days into the war, at a Foreign Affairs Council in Luxembourg on 23 October 2023.

One would not be exaggerating to conclude from these contradictory positions that they place some human beings above others in status, degree of concern and human dignity, so that the lives, safety and security of Palestinians are placed lower in rank than those of others.

Thus comes the tolerance of the crushing of children, mothers, the sick and the elderly in the Gaza Strip, without serious positions being taken to restrain the machinery of genocide.

The margins, not the centre

Those faltering positions gave the strong impression that they were conferring moral immunity on the perpetrator, namely the Israeli leadership and its regular army.

Prevailing European and western criticism was limited to only two reckless ministers from the Israeli government, which amounts to little, since Itamar Ben Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich are already constantly criticised within Israeli circles.

The narrative has been shifted into familiar terms about a 'humanitarian crisis', as though the programmed genocide were merely a natural disaster

Meanwhile, the government and the political leadership more broadly continue to escape direct criticism, even after the accumulation of filmed atrocities and the issuance of an International Criminal Court arrest warrant for Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu himself.

This evasion becomes even clearer when criticism, along with some sanctions of limited effect, has been confined to settler gangs and their leaders, without any verbal reproach or punitive gesture directed toward the Israeli army. The latter not only sponsors and protects settlers on the ground but also directly commits grave violations, appalling war crimes and campaigns of ethnic cleansing within the context of a horrific genocide.

This contradiction betrays a firmly rooted European and western position intent on exempting the state, its leadership and its regular military and security apparatuses from any clear criticism, explicit condemnation or accountability, while merely formal positions are issued concerning the margins rather than the centre: some settlers instead of the army, and only two ministers instead of the government.

Political Europe, and many elites in public life across western states, have even evaded confronting a simple question: does what Israel has committed against the Palestinian people constitute genocide?

Denying the genocide committed in Gaza requires wilful disregard.

It begins by brushing aside these war crimes and behaving as though they merit no attention. The adopted narrative has been shifted into familiar terms about a "humanitarian crisis" and "alarming" conditions, or a show of concern for "civilian suffering" - as though the programmed genocide, reinforced by declared intentions to commit it, were merely a natural disaster that befell the place.

Sanctioned ICC judges sue Trump in US over 'attack on judicial independence'
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The states and governments that boast of their commitment to moral positions, human values, international law and human rights were supposed to honour those commitments. They should have warned against the campaign of genocide in its earliest stages, stripped it of political and propagandistic cover, and supported the enforcement of international justice and the cases filed over genocide against the Palestinian people.

Foremost among these is the case brought by South Africa before the International Court of Justice, on the basis of Israel's violation of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide.

Instead, campaigns of moral targeting, incitement, intimidation and even the imposition of unjust sanctions on prosecutors have escalated, affecting international justice bodies and their personnel, as well as UN rapporteurs.

Thus, it becomes clear that complicity with the genocide committed against the Palestinian people goes ever further in undermining international law and threatening the foundations of international action and the protection afforded to its institutions and authorities.

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.

Hossam Shaker is a journalist and an author who has extensively covered the topic of migration in Europe.

https://www.middleeasteye.net/opinion/gaza-genocide-how-many-un-findings-will-west-ignore

Israeli documents undermine claim Iran and Hezbollah helped plan 7 October attack

 Secret Hamas documents summarised by the Israeli site OSINT613 appear to undermine one of Israel’s central narratives about 7 October: that the attack was a closely coordinated operation planned with Iran and Hezbollah.

The documents, first revealed by Israel Army Radio correspondent Doron Kadosh and analysed by the Meir Amit Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center, were presented by Israeli sources as evidence of years of contact between Hamas, Hezbollah and Iran. However, the same material indicates that neither Hezbollah nor Iran was informed in advance of the timing or operational launch of the 7 October attack. 

According to the Israeli site OSINT613, Hamas had spent years seeking a broader multi-front confrontation with Israel and repeatedly tried to persuade Hezbollah Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah to join a simultaneous attack from Lebanon. Hamas also sought support from Iran, while internal documents described intelligence sharing and strategic discussions involving Hamas, Hezbollah and Iran’s Revolutionary Guards during earlier rounds of fighting. 

Yet the documents point to a major gap between Hamas’s expectations and the reality on 7 October. OSINT613 reported that, immediately after the attack began at 6:29am, Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar sent an urgent message to Nasrallah apologising for not informing him in advance and asking Hezbollah to intervene through rocket fire and a major ground offensive. Sinwar’s apology for the lack of prior notice is seen as a strong indication that Hezbollah was not operationally informed before the attack was launched. 

The requested ground offensive never came. Hezbollah later opened a northern front with rockets, missiles and drones, but it did not send its Radwan Force into the Galilee as Hamas had expected. According to the Israeli account, this failure to launch a simultaneous northern assault fundamentally changed the scale of the conflict and prevented a wider coordinated attack on northern Israel. 

The Israeli report also indicate that Hamas did not expect Iran to enter the war directly. Instead, it envisaged Hezbollah and other Iran-aligned groups opening additional fronts while Tehran remained in the background. This detail complicates Israeli claims that Iran directly managed or jointly executed the 7 October operation. 

READ: Israel’s 7 October narrative under fresh scrutiny after army accused of deleting footage

The documents do show that Hamas had sought a wider regional war. In 2019, Ismail Haniyeh reportedly wrote to Nasrallah seeking closer military coordination, while a similar message was sent to Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. During Israel’s 2021 assault on Gaza, Hamas, Hezbollah and Iran’s Revolutionary Guards reportedly established a joint intelligence operations room in Beirut, with Hezbollah providing intelligence on Israeli troop movements, air operations and surveillance. 

However, the most important revelations undermines the Israeli claims that 7 October attack was a tightly coordinated regional operation. Hamas appears to have believed that Hezbollah would join a future “great strategic battle”, but internal Hamas assessments also warned that Hezbollah remained hesitant about entering a full-scale war with Israel. OSINT613 reported that Hamas intelligence documents described Hezbollah as facing a “psychological barrier”, an apparent reference to its hesitancy after the 2006 Lebanon war. 

Nasrallah’s own reported response to Hamas’s proposal also suggests hesitation. According to the documents, he questioned what Hamas’s strategic objective would be and asked whether the goal was to force Israel’s collapse or merely prevent incursions into Al-Aqsa Mosque. Hamas reportedly acknowledged that it had not fully defined its objectives. 

Analysts have argued that Israel’s insistence on linking Iran directly to the 7 October attack served a wider political purpose: to internationalise the assault on Gaza, frame the war as part of a broader confrontation with Tehran and push Washington towards a more aggressive regional posture. Israeli officials repeatedly invoked Iran and its allies even when the connection was out of context, reflecting a long-standing Israeli effort to draw the US into direct confrontation with the Islamic Republic. 

The Israeli-sourced documents now appear to undercut that propaganda line. While they show that Hamas maintained contacts with Iran and Hezbollah, they also suggest that neither Tehran nor Hezbollah had prior operational knowledge of the 7 October attack.


https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20260706-israeli-documents-undermine-claim-iran-and-hezbollah-helped-plan-7-october-attack/?fbclid=IwY2xjawS7AVtleHRuA2FlbQIxMABzcnRjBmFwcF9pZBAyMjIwMzkxNzg4MjAwODkyAAEejaSfOhiGrFPtT_1tMNtTPVJrDb2_rSB6Gf8lR_p5qYpbmTcg5l4hzNTc46I_aem_BK3qudQSkoep_WZxdfiusA

Why Khamenei Was Buried in Muharram: The Sacred Timing Nobody in Washington Understood

 Prince Taofeek Ajibade is in Ibadan, Nigeria.

Why Khamenei Was Buried in Muharram: The Sacred Timing Nobody in Washington Understood
When Iran delayed the burial of Ayatollah Ali Khamenei for four months after his assassination, the Western media offered security concerns as the explanation and moved on. That explanation was not wrong. It was simply incomplete, and the part it missed is the part that matters most.
Iran did not merely bury a Supreme Leader during Muharram. It placed his martyrdom inside the most sacred narrative in Shia Islamic consciousness, and in doing so, transformed a funeral into one of the most theologically charged political acts in modern history.
Muharram is the first month of the Islamic lunar calendar, designated by Allah as one of four sacred months. This year it fell between 15 June and 15 July. The entire month is devoted to reflection, mercy, and the central Shia theme of the oppressed prevailing over the oppressor.
At its heart sits Ashura, the 10th of Muharram, commemorating the martyrdom of Hussain Ibn Ali, grandson of the Prophet Muhammad, at the Battle of Karbala. It is the moment that defines Shia identity more profoundly than any other event in fourteen centuries of Islamic history.
Iran buried Khamenei in this month deliberately. His body was taken first to Najaf, Iraq, for pilgrimage to the shrine of Imam Ali, father of Hussain, before the funeral procession in Tehran drew nine million mourners into the streets beneath seas of red flags adorned with Quranic verses. Red in Shia symbolism is the colour of martyrdom.
The imagery was not incidental. It was composed, verse by verse, colour by colour, with the theological precision of a people who have been reading these signs for fourteen centuries.
The message Iran sent to its own people and to the watching Muslim world was unambiguous.
Khamenei did not merely die in a war. He was martyred, as Hussain was martyred, standing between the oppressor and those who had no other protector. His assassination by American and Israeli forces, during active peace negotiations no less, was framed not as a political killing but as the latest chapter in an eternal story that Shia Muslims have been commemorating every year since 680 CE.
For the roughly 200 million Shia Muslims worldwide, attending that funeral was not a political act. It was a religious obligation, a duty comparable in weight to pilgrimage itself. Nothing of this magnitude has occurred in the Shia world since the martyrdom of Hussain.
Washington looked at nine million mourners in Tehran and saw a crowd. It did not see the theology, the symbolism, the fourteen centuries of layered meaning that assembled that crowd and gave it its particular, irreducible power.
That failure of comprehension is not new. It is the same failure that has driven every American miscalculation in the Muslim world for the past half century, the inability to understand that for hundreds of millions of people, the sacred and the political are not separate categories requiring separate analysis. They are one thing, inseparable, ancient, and immeasurably more durable than any military campaign designed without that knowledge.
Yes, while the symbolism and the flags cannot take away the social and economic challenges facing Iranian society, it is important to note that symbolism, in a civilisation that has survived empire after empire precisely because it understood the power of sacred narrative, is never merely symbolic.
It is the foundation on which everything else is built