Tuesday, 15 September 2026

Netanyahu's 'eighth front': Israel's billion-dollar war on the truth is failing

 Sahar Huneidi

Israel has killed record numbers of journalists and spent more than $1bn on influence campaigns - yet the world has never believed it less
People attend a vigil organised by Palestinian journalists to commemorate their killed colleagues at the Nasser Medical Complex in Khan Yunis, in the southern Gaza Strip, on 25 August 2026 (Bashar Taleb/AFP)
People attend a vigil organised by Palestinian journalists to commemorate their killed colleagues at the Nasser Medical Complex in Khan Yunis, in the southern Gaza Strip, on 25 August 2026 (Bashar Taleb/AFP)

In May 2025, the voice of 14-year-old Hassan Ayyad fell silent.

The young Palestinian singer, who captured the world's attention singing "Bear Witness, O World" amid the rubble of the Nuseirat camp, was killed in an air strike. His videos initially went viral, but the reality of the 21st-century information war is that voices like Hassan's are routinely flattened.

The systematic silencing of independent war journalism did not happen overnight. It is the result of a 50-year campaign by militaries, governments and now tech monopolies to control what we see - and what we don't.

The Vietnam war (1955-1975) was the golden age of independent war journalism. Reporters had remarkable freedom: they could access military transports, follow soldiers on missions and even detach from military escorts.

That independence produced graphic, negative coverage that measurably eroded public support for the war. Military commanders blamed what the television critic Michael Arlen had dubbed the "living-room war", the belief that journalistic depictions of bloodshed had created public aversion to conflict.

The Pentagon learned its lesson. When the US invaded Grenada in 1983, it banned press coverage entirely.

Then came the 1991 Gulf war, which became the template for modern information control. Military jargon like "surgical strikes" and "collateral damage" seeped into reporting unconsciously, and the public largely accepted the official story without question.

The 2003 American invasion of Iraq institutionalised the "embed" system. Reporters were assigned to military units in exchange for access, but at the cost of independence, with restrictions on where journalists could go, who they could speak with and what they could cover.

It is the result of a 50-year campaign by militaries, governments and now tech monopolies to control what we see - and what we don't

Independent "unilateral" journalists found themselves unable to get near the action, and a post-war analysis led by Cardiff University found the system left them at far greater risk.

By 2007, blogs and social media had begun to break the corporate media monopoly. War blogs from inside besieged Iraq offered raw, unfiltered perspectives, while public trust in American media plummeted from 72 percent in 1976 to 28 percent today.

The establishment's grip on war narratives was slipping.

But this digital freedom was about to face a counter-offensive of its own. The active complicity of mainstream networks - a phenomenon I have examined elsewhere in the case of Axios - demonstrates that corporate news remains the baseline template for modern information control.

Killing the witnesses

On 11 May 2022, Shireen Abu Akleh, a prominent Al Jazeera journalist, was shot in the head by an Israeli soldier while covering a raid on the Jenin refugee camp in the occupied West Bank, wearing a vest clearly marked "Press".

An investigative documentary later identified the shooter as Alon Scagio of the elite Duvdevan unit. He faced no legal consequences and was instead made a sniper team commander in another special operations unit, before being killed in June 2024 by explosives planted by Palestinian fighters in Jenin - the same city where he had killed Abu Akleh.

Her killing fit a pattern the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) had already documented, with at least 20 journalists killed by Israeli military fire between 2001 and 2022 and no one ever held accountable.

The war on Gaza has since become the deadliest period for journalism in modern history.

More than 250 Palestinian journalists and media workers have been killed since October 2023, and CPJ's latest report found 2025 was the deadliest year for journalists on record, with Israel responsible for two-thirds of the deaths worldwide.

Israel has also completely barred foreign journalists from independently entering Gaza - an unprecedented step for a state that calls itself democratic. Only controlled military tours are permitted, which participating journalists have described as "theatre".

Amid genocide in Gaza, why must Palestinian journalists uphold the illusion of neutrality?
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The Foreign Press Association says there are "no security justifications" for the blanket ban, which critics argue serves to maintain a space for denial, allowing Israel to dismiss reports from Palestinian journalists as impossible to verify independently.

Israel's obsession with controlling the narrative has its origins in a single defining moment. Those of us old enough remember it vividly.

On 30 September 2000, French television captured 12-year-old Muhammad al-Durrah cowering behind his father as bullets struck him during a firefight at the Netzarim junction in Gaza. The 59 seconds of footage aired around the world, and the boy's death became the defining symbol of the Second Intifada.

Israel's immediate response was catastrophic for its image: an army spokesman accepted responsibility, assuming Israeli fire had killed the boy.

Years later, Israel tried to reverse course, claiming al-Durrah had likely been killed by Palestinian fire, but it was far too late. The narrative was cemented, with Israeli officials later regarding the al-Durrah case as one of Israel's greatest hasbara failures.

The lesson drawn was intense and permanent: occupy the information space immediately with a counter-narrative, even if the facts are unverified. When Abu Akleh was killed in 2022, the army's response was immediate and defensive, releasing a counter-narrative within an hour.

The al-Durrah incident marked the moment Israel concluded that controlling the narrative - not the truth - was the key to winning the information war.

The eighth front

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has explicitly called social media the "eighth front" of Israel's war, alongside the physical battlefields stretching from Gaza to Iran and much in between.

He has admitted Israel is losing the propaganda war, attributing the deterioration of support for Israel to the "geometric rise of social media" and the ability of users to share unfiltered imagery from Gaza.

Recognition was followed by a historic financial commitment.

The budget of Israel's hasbara machine skyrocketed from approximately $7.5m annually to $150m in 2025, and then to $730m in 2026 - nearly 100 times pre-war levels. Total spending on influence campaigns since 2023 has surpassed $1bn.

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A central pillar of this is the "Digital Iron Dome", a platform that describes itself as "the world's first pro-Israel influence engine". It invites users worldwide to join a "digital army", registering to receive pre-written posts, hashtags and visual content optimised for sharing.

The platform claims to have delivered more than 200 million targeted ads across the websites of Al Jazeera, CNN, the BBC, the Guardian and others, and to have reached more than 200,000 websites.

Israel also hired Clock Tower X, the firm of Donald Trump's former campaign manager Brad Parscale, on contracts worth $46.5m, in part to shape chatbot outputs and search results by seeding pro-Israel content into the data on which AI models are trained.

And under the $900,000 "Esther Project", Israel paid 14 to 18 American influencers, none of whom were registered as foreign agents, between $6,143 and $7,372 per post between June and November 2025.

And here, the irony is total. If Netanyahu's strategic planners were looking for a biblical blueprint for asymmetric information warfare, they chose the wrong matriarch.

They named their operation after Esther, invoking a queen who hid her identity in a foreign palace. But the true biblical archetype for espionage, safe houses and state-level betrayal belongs to Rahab - the prostitute of Jericho who hid foreign spies on her roof and bought her family's survival with a scarlet cord.

Israel's digital architecture operates on the same mercenary transaction, paying actors to manipulate the gates of information from the shadows - an ecosystem of enforced invisibility stretching all the way to Epstein's island.

Weaponised algorithms

Israel's campaign extends into the platforms themselves.

The forced restructuring of TikTok's US operations under Oracle - co-founded by Larry Ellison, a staunch supporter of Israel - was described by Netanyahu as potentially "consequential" for Israel and the Jewish people. Shortly afterwards, TikTok hired Erica Mindel, a former Israeli army instructor, as its new hate speech manager.

Leaked data indicates Meta has complied with roughly 94 percent of the Israeli government's takedown requests, removing more than 90,000 pro-Palestinian or critical posts.

The playing field was already tilted. Internal documents revealed that Meta lowered the certainty threshold at which its algorithms remove hostile Arabic content from 80 percent to 40 percent for the Middle East - and to just 25 percent for content from Palestine.

Israel's campaigns exploited this algorithmic inequality, knowing Palestinian content would be flagged and suppressed long before it could challenge the official narrative.

As if this massive PR machinery were not enough, political scientist Ian Lustick and investigative journalist Eli Clifton document a parallel domestic front in their 2026 book Israel's Lobby: America in the Grip of a Foreign Power, showing how the erosion of campaign finance laws has empowered a network of elite donors to manipulate legislative policy and systematically silence dissent.

The strategy is clear: kill the journalists, ban the foreign media, co-opt the embeds, weaponise the algorithms and fill the vacuum with curated propaganda.

The combination of physical targeting, an embed system that trades access for compliance, corporate consolidation of legacy media, a billion-dollar influence machine and Big Tech's algorithmic bias has created a world in which we no longer see war with our own eyes.

We see what the system wants us to see - a staggering reversal, given that the genocide in Gaza was livestreamed in real time by its own victims, who turned smartphones into instruments of unmediated witness.

Limits of propaganda

For all the billions spent, the influencers recruited and the algorithms weaponised - none of it has worked.

The Pew Research Center found this spring that 60 percent of US adults hold an unfavourable view of Israel. Gallup reported in February that, for the first time in a quarter century of polling, more Americans sympathise with Palestinians (41 percent) than with Israelis (36 percent).

The numbers in Europe are even more stark. Across six western European countries, between 63 and 70 percent hold an unfavourable view, while in Germany - a nation whose post-war identity is deeply tied to supporting Israel - 73 percent now view the country unfavourably. Among the crucial 18-34 demographic, negative opinions soar to 74 percent in the US and 78 percent in the UK.

The Digital Iron Dome has become a monument to the limits of propaganda.

No amount of algorithmic manipulation can erase the visual evidence coming from Gaza, the testimony of journalists risking their lives or the growing global moral consensus that what is happening is wrong. What the world has seen during the genocide in Gaza cannot be unseen, no matter how tightly the digital filters are squeezed.

We will not simply live in a world of lies; we will live in a world where the truth is no longer available to us - and we will not even realise it is gone

Netanyahu's eighth front has not won the war for public opinion; it has lost it and, in doing so, has alienated an entire generation.

The silence may have been imposed on social media, but the world is still watching. And the world has made up its mind.

We must demand transparency from platforms about their moderation algorithms. We must support independent journalists and the organisations that protect them. We must expose the Digital Iron Dome and the billion-dollar influence industry behind it.

And without accountability for murdered journalists, this pattern will repeat itself in Gaza, in Lebanon, in Iran and everywhere power seeks to operate in darkness.

I was able to write this piece because I could still ask an AI questions about things I did not fully understand - and receive verifiable answers I could cross-check, question and build an argument from. That freedom is not guaranteed.

The same forces that silenced the journalists and captured the platforms are now turning to AI itself. This is the terrifying reality of LLM poisoning: states deliberately polluting the digital ecosystem with curated propaganda, forcing future AI models to absorb lies as objective truth until the authentic record is permanently erased.

If they succeed, the next time I ask about Gaza, about Iran, about the warships in the Gulf, AI may not show me the evidence. It may show me a carefully crafted answer designed to protect power - and I will never know what I was not shown. I will not even know to ask a different question.

That is the final stage of control: not censorship, but the illusion of information. We will not simply live in a world of lies; we will live in a world where the truth is no longer available to us - and we will not even realise it is gone.

The voice of Hassan Ayyad was silenced in an instant. The digital erasure that follows is the sound of democracy dying.

This is how truth dies in the 21st century.

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.

https://www.middleeasteye.net/opinion/netanyahu-eighth-front-israel-war-truth-failing

Sahar Huneidi is a historian with a PhD in Middle Eastern studies from the University of Manchester. She is the author of "A Broken Trust: Herbert Samuel, Zionism and the Palestinians, 1920-1925" and "The Hidden History of the Balfour Declaration", and co-editor of "Israel and Its Palestinian Citizens: Ethnic Privileges in the Jewish State". Her book "Zionism and the Creation of the 'New Jew'" is forthcoming from Bloomsbury in December 2026.

Want to know the real reason for the Russian-Ukrainian war? In 2010, the Yuzivska gas field was discovered in the Donbas,

 https://x.com/Vertigo_Politix/status/2099526285047533595

VertigoPolitix
Want to know the real reason for the Russian-Ukrainian war? In 2010, the Yuzivska gas field was discovered in the Donbas, containing enough fuel to power the entire European continent for 60 years. Barack Obama pressed then Ukrainian president, Viktor Yanukovych, to let US corporations develop it, but this was denied. The CIA then effected a coup of the Ukrainian government and established a proxy state in 2014. NATO swooped in and began building fortress cities along the borders near Russian ethnic enclaves in the Donbas region of Ukraine, spending $30 billion in the process. After six years of heavy artillery bombardment on civilian targets, Kiev then sent 90,000 troops to its eastern frontier in late 2021, prompting Putin to file (under United Nations HRC Article 51) for a Special Military Operation to protect Russian nationals—perfectly compliant with international law. The US wanted control of the Donbas simply to cut Russia out of the lucrative European natural gas market. All that it accomplished, however, was the demographic extinction of the Ukrainian ethnic group and a bill of $400 Billion to American and EU tax payers. Even with geopolitics, you must always follow the money...

https://x.com/Vertigo_Politix/status/2099526285047533595

I watched the twin towers burn. Now the US is repeating its worst mistakes in Iran

Twenty-five years of invasions and unconditional support for Israel have deepened the grievances behind 9/11 and left America less secure
US and Israeli flags lie amid shattered glass at a school in Lamerd, Iran, damaged in a strike on 28 February 2026, pictured on 12 September (Majid Asgaripour/WANA via Reuters)
US and Israeli flags lie amid shattered glass at a school in Lamerd, Iran, damaged in a strike on 28 February 2026, pictured on 12 September (Majid Asgaripour/WANA via Reuters)

Twenty-five years ago, I stood in my office on the 24th floor of the Italian mission to the UN in New York, watching smoke pour from the twin towers of the World Trade Center in southern Manhattan.

A quarter of a century later, the first question I ask myself is whether the country that suffered that heinous crime has changed - and the answer, unfortunately, is that it has: for the worse.

In the aftermath of 9/11, the United States stood at a crossroads. It could have chosen sober reflection, targeted justice and a long-overdue reckoning with the grievances that al-Qaeda's extremists exploited. It chose instead the path of empire, invasion and endless war - a choice that has haunted the Middle East, and America itself, ever since.

The evidence of Washington's failure to learn is now overwhelming. The US is once again mired in a war of choice in the Middle East - this time against Iran - while the Palestinian question, the central unresolved wound of the region, continues to fester untreated, fuelling the very anger and resentment that it claims to fight.

The "global war on terror" that George W Bush launched in 2001 was supposed to be a decisive campaign against al-Qaeda and its Taliban hosts, but it metastasised into a generational project of regime change and nation-building that left Afghanistan and Iraq in ruins, destabilised the broader region and birthed new enemies.

The invasion of Iraq in 2003, based on fabricated intelligence about weapons of mass destruction, unleashed years of violence that created the conditions for the rise of the Islamic State (IS) group. At least 200,000 Iraqi civilian deaths have been documented, and peer-reviewed studies put the true toll at half a million or more.

Forever wars

Afghanistan, after two decades of blood and treasure, was handed back to the same Taliban in 2021. The lesson seemed obvious: the United States could not bomb, invade or occupy its way to security in the Middle East.

Twenty-five years later, however, US President Donald Trump - who cast himself as a peacemaker and promised to end foreign wars - has launched what analysts are already calling his own forever war in Iran.

In February 2026, Trump announced "major combat operations" against Iran, launching massive joint US-Israeli strikes targeting military, government and infrastructure sites. More than six months later, the war grinds on with no clear exit strategy, no congressional authorisation, no UN resolution and scant support from Nato allies or the American public.

The United States could not bomb, invade or occupy its way to security in the Middle East

The parallels to the post-9/11 era are impossible to ignore. Just as the Bush administration underestimated the challenges of occupying Iraq and Afghanistan, analysts warn that the Trump administration has miscalculated Iran's resilience and its capacity to disrupt a fifth of the world's energy shipments.

Sina Toossi, an analyst at the Center for International Policy, put it bluntly: "Trump has broken an important post-Iraq and Afghanistan constraint in Washington against launching another major, open-ended war in the Middle East. That could leave his successor inheriting … an entrenched US-Iran confrontation."

The Strait of Hormuz - and increasingly also the Bab al-Mandeb - has become a flashpoint, pushing US petrol prices higher, weakening Trump's approval ratings and undermining Washington's international standing.

As with Iraq, the regional spillover has caught Washington off guard, leaving Gulf allies feeling helpless in the face of a war launched on a whim. Some of them are now considering other options for their security.

The failure to plan for the "day after" - a mistake former US President Barack Obama later called the worst of his presidency, over Libya - has been repeated yet again.

An untreated wound

For decades, the United States has claimed to be an "honest broker" between Israelis and Palestinians. In reality, as veteran US peace negotiator Aaron David Miller admitted, Washington has acted as "Israel's lawyer" - a verdict the historian Rashid Khalidi has documented at length - guaranteeing that the so-called peace process would end in failure.

The Oslo Accords, the Camp David summit, the endless rounds of negotiations produced nothing but more settlements, more occupation and more Palestinian dispossession. The settler population of the occupied West Bank, excluding East Jerusalem, has more than quadrupled since the accords were signed in 1993, with scant protest from Washington.

Today, the two-state solution - the supposed cornerstone of US and international policy for decades - seems a mirage. The United States has claimed success even as its efforts have done more to destabilise and inflame the region than to contribute to lasting peace.

Trump's Gaza plan has been condemned by critics as a blueprint for entrenching colonial power, in which Palestinians are spoken about - not spoken with - their political representatives excluded and their rights deferred indefinitely.

Meanwhile, the Iran war has diverted diplomatic attention away from Israel-Palestine, allowing Israeli settlement expansion and settler violence to continue in the West Bank while the Israeli military continues to kill civilians in Gaza.

The 9/11 attacks were carried out by men who fed on the very grievances - US military presence in Muslim lands, support for repressive regimes and indifference to Palestinian suffering - that Washington has spent 25 years deepening rather than addressing.

Lessons unlearned

The results of Washington's twin failures - the perpetual war and the perpetual neglect of Palestine - are measurable in the collapse of American standing across the Arab world. Arab Barometer surveys conducted across eight Arab countries between August and November 2025, before Trump launched his war on Iran, found overwhelming majorities - 86 percent in Egypt and Jordan - saying Washington had sided with Israel over the Palestinians.

Nothing new here. As far back as 2002, polling found that Arabs actually liked American people, products, education and values but strongly disliked US policies towards the Arab world, especially regarding the Palestinians.

Bush's famous claim that the attackers "hate our freedoms" was always a lie. They hated what the US did, the policies it pursued: the unconditional support for Israeli occupation, the invasions, the drone strikes, the double standards.

Those attitudes plummeted further with Trump's first-term pro-Israel, anti-Muslim policies, and then with the Democrats' support, under former US President Joe Biden, for Israel's genocide in Gaza.

As polling analyst James Zogby has warned, Washington's "lack of attentiveness to Arab sensitivities and needs contributes to making a bad situation even worse - further embittering Arabs toward the USA, deepening fissures within the Arab World". Trump's attacks on Iran, he has also written, are likely to make it "increasingly difficult for Arabs to like American values".

The war on terror was supposed to make America safer; instead, it has made the world more dangerous, more polarised and more resentful. A quarter of a century later, the US is less trusted, less influential and less secure than it was on 10 September 2001.

9/11 at 25: Has the US learned anything from its 'war on terror'?
Read More »

What would it mean to learn the lessons of 9/11? It would mean recognising that military force cannot solve political problems; that occupations breed resistance, not stability; and that Palestinians are human beings with legitimate national aspirations, not a demographic problem or a piece of real estate to be managed.

It would also mean pursuing diplomacy with adversaries rather than regime change, and putting Washington's weight behind international law and human rights rather than behind the whims of whichever Israeli government happens to be in power.

None of this has happened. The "lessons learned" industry that sprang up after 9/11 - the commissions, the reports, the think-tank panels - produced volumes of analysis but no fundamental change, and the United States remains trapped in a cycle of violence it helped create and refuses to break.

Twenty-five years after the towers fell, the fires still burn - in Gaza, in the West Bank, in Lebanon and in Iran, and in the hearts of millions who watched America's promise of justice turn into a licence for endless war and indiscriminate killing.

The tragedy of 11 September 2001 was not only the loss of nearly 3,000 lives but also what America chose to become in response. Until Washington learns to see the Middle East through the eyes of those it has bombed, occupied and ignored, the cycle of anger and resentment will continue, generation after generation, with no end in sight.

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.

https://www.middleeasteye.net/opinion/9-11-25-years-us-iran-war-same-mistakes

Marco Carnelos is a former Italian diplomat. He has been assigned to Somalia, Australia and the United Nations. He served in the foreign policy staff of three Italian prime ministers between 1995 and 2011. More recently he has been Middle East peace process coordinator special envoy for Syria for the Italian government and, until November 2017, Italy's ambassador to Iraq.