Nineteen years ago, this week, the 107th Congress voted to pass the 2001 Authorization for Use of Military Force (AUMF). The text of this bill can fit neatly on one page, and it includes one sentence that has permitted the longest war in American history.
That sentence, consisting of 62 words, has cost thousands of American lives, over a trillion dollars, and resulted in millions of life-changing disabilities for veterans that our government now struggles to care for. It is long overdue for Congress to reassert its constitutional war powers, repeal the 2001 AUMF, and allow the United States to enter a more responsible era of American leadership in the world.
The 2001 AUMF became law on Sept. 18, 2001, just days after the terrible attacks. This authorization provided congressional approval for the U.S. military response in Afghanistan, but it has since been used as legal justification at least 41 times to engage in conflicts in over 19 countries where American service members continue to deploy and fight.
This reinterpretation of the 2001 AUMF has placed our nation’s long-term security in peril. What was passed as a limited authorization to punish those responsible for the death and destruction of the 9/11 attacks has transformed into a blank check to wage endless war.
The authorization reads:
"IN GENERAL.—That the President is authorized to use all necessary and appropriate force against those nations, organizations, or persons he determines planned, authorized, committed, or aided the terrorist attacks that occurred on September 11, 2001, or harbored such organizations or persons, in order to prevent any future acts of international terrorism against the United States by such nations, organizations or persons."
When loosely interpreted, this authorization allows virtually all necessary force against anyone involved in any way to prevent any future terrorism. That kind of authority is entirely too vague and virtually unlimited. Well intentioned, this was done in the name of domestic security, where many proponents of the global war on terror have argued that we must “fight them over there, so we don’t have to fight them here.”
This expansionist interpretation has allowed Congress to shirk one of its most significant responsibilities outlined in Article I, Section 8 of the Constitution: the power to declare war. After all, voting on a declaration of war — or the modern day AUMF equivalent — is a scary proposition for many in Washington. Just look at the backlash toward those who voted to invade Iraq in 2003.
With less than a fifth of the original 2001 AUMF co-signers still in Congress, it is no wonder why elected officials now avoid consequential votes on where, when, or for how long American service members are ordered into harm’s way. “I defer to the commanders on the ground,” many elected officials say. With rare exception, the lack of courage is bipartisan.
Even more concerning, the tables are turning when it comes to proponents of endless war policies. As President Donald Trump continues to follow through on his promise to end our “forever wars” by withdrawing more troops from Iraq and Afghanistan, and by encouraging peace talks between the Afghan government and the Taliban, some in Congress are digging in their heels and fighting against the president to keep American troops engaged overseas.
Let that sink in. Poll after poll shows that most Americans no longer support these conflicts, yet the same legislative branch that has consistently surrendered its war powers now resists a Commander in Chief who believes it is time to end those wars. The irony would be humorous if not for the hardship, danger, and loss of life that warfighters and their families have experienced for a full 19 years.
There is nothing anti-military, or even anti-war, about demanding a repeal to the 2001 AUMF. There are real threats that the United States must deter. But America cannot keep itself safe while it is committed to drawn out, resource-draining ground wars that do not significantly contribute to our security or prosperity. In fact, we must unchain ourselves from these engagements if the United States wishes to defend its long-term interests.
Nineteen years ago, Congress failed to define reasonable limits to the power it deferred to the executive branch. In the end, it not only authorized military action, but it abdicated its constitutional responsibility. Now, the 2001 AUMF stands in the way of a more productive U.S. foreign policy, and it must be repealed.
Nate Anderson is the executive director of Concerned Veterans for America and Sam Rogers is coalitions director for Concerned Veterans for America in Wisconsin. Both are veterans of the war in Afghanistan.
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